By combining insights from sociology, history, economics, and other domains. For instance, materialist epistemology is a method of analysis that draws upon sociology and history to understand economic developments.
In order to know that a model is useful, you need to test it against empirical data.
Sure, but not everything that counts as empirical data can be fit into a regression table and subjected to meta-analysis.
My family lived in the Soviet Union for its entire history. I assure you that it was a hellhole.
And mine lived in Romania, but I’m not sure that this is the most reliable form of empirical data.
The Khmer Rouge abolished money.
Yes. They also killed a quarter of their population. So whether or not their economy succeeded seems to be more strongly governed by other factors.
Abolishing class is much harder since class can exist without formal acknowledgement in the legal system.
Yes, well class in the Marxist definition is about the distinction between capital owners and laborers, which is a bit different from how it’s used in other contexts.
The real question, though, is why should we think these changes are possible or desirable.
We might think that inequality of wealth is bad as it allocates goods to those who can afford them rather than those who need them; we might think that capitalist markets lead to tragedies of the commons which exacerbate resource shortages and existential risks; we might think that unequal distribution of power in society corrupts politics.
People in modern Western-style democracies (which are all capitalist) enjoy personal freedom and quality of life unrivaled in the entire history of the human race. On the other hand, virtually all attempts to implement communism lead to disaster.
This is not really a good comparison, given many cases of success in socialist and communist economies (such as Cuba, which roundly beats other Latin American countries in human development standards) and many failures in capitalist economies (such as the widespread economic disaster which followed the end of the Soviet system). But again, I am not an expert here, so if you want to learn more then I’d suggest looking elsewhere.
Well, Marxism was your justification for it.
I’m not sure what you’re trying to say. My justification for saying “public ownership of the means of production” was that was that many of the people who give serious thought and attention to the idea of public ownership of the means of production are in favor it. Some of those people are Marxists.
In this case, I suggest formulating a much broader objective e.g. “alternative systems of government / economics”. This might be communism, might be anarcho-capitalism, might be something else altogether. IMO, the best strategy is moving one level of “meta” up. Instead of promoting a specific political ideology, let’s fund promising research into theoretical tools that enable evaluating policy proposals or government systems.
By combining insights from sociology, history, economics, and other domains. For instance, materialist epistemology is a method of analysis that draws upon sociology and history to understand economic developments.
You still haven’t provided a reference for “materialist epistemology”.
Anyone can claim to “combine insights” from anything. In fact, most political ideologies claim such insights, nevertheless reaching different, sometimes diametrically opposite, conclusions.
Sure, but not everything that counts as empirical data can be fit into a regression table and subjected to meta-analysis.
If you’re proposing to overhaul the entire system of government and economics, at the very least I expect you to provide objective, quantitative evidence. This is what effective altruism is about: doing good using evidence based methods.
The Khmer Rouge abolished money.
Yes. They also killed a quarter of their population. So whether or not their economy succeeded seems to be more strongly governed by other factors.
There is remarkable correlation between communism and killing / imprisoning large numbers of innocent people. It is unlikely to be a coincidence.
Yes, well class in the Marxist definition is about the distinction between capital owners and laborers, which is a bit different from how it’s used in other contexts.
In this case the USSR had no class since there were no capital owners.
We might think that inequality of wealth is bad as it allocates goods to those who can afford them rather than those who need them; we might think that capitalist markets lead to tragedies of the commons which exacerbate resource shortages and existential risks; we might think that unequal distribution of power in society corrupts politics.
Alternatively, we might think that markets are good since they create incentives for productivity and innovation; since they make sure decisions in the economy are made in a distributed way, not prone to a single point of failure; since this distributed way naturally assigns more weight to people who have proven themselves to be competent. We might think that tragedies of the commons can be solved by controlling market incentives through taxation and regulation; that there is no need to throw the baby out with the bathwater by destroying the entire market.
All of this is speculation.
People in modern Western-style democracies (which are all capitalist) enjoy personal freedom and quality of life unrivaled in the entire history of the human race. On the other hand, virtually all attempts to implement communism lead to disaster.
This is not really a good comparison, given many cases of success in socialist and communist economies (such as Cuba, which roundly beats other Latin American countries in human development standards) and many failures in capitalist economies (such as the widespread economic disaster which followed the end of the Soviet system).
Cuba is still a dictatorship with a track record of human right violations. I wouldn’t want to live there. My point is that Western-style capitalist democracy is the most successful model of government we know, and there is a high burden of proof for claiming some alternative is better.
If you’re proposing to overhaul the entire system of government and economics, at the very least I expect you to provide objective, quantitative evidence.
You might expect me to provide reasons, or arguments, or historical examples, or other kinds of objective evidence. Those are very valuable, and if you’re looking for them I would recommend you consult the relevant literature and communities which specialize in providing them.
What you certainly shouldn’t expect is that everything be quantitative, or that everything be condensed into a meta-analysis that you can look at really quickly to save you the trouble of engaging with complicated and complex social and political issues. Sociopolitical systems are too complicated for that, which is why people who study political science and international relations do not condense everything into quantitative evidence. Quantitative evidence can certainly enter into a broader debate, and socialists and marxists cite all kinds of quantitative evidence in various contexts, but the discussion we’re having is too vague and ambiguous for any particular statistic to be appropriate to bring up.
This is what effective altruism is about: doing good using evidence based methods.
A singleminded emphasis on statistics is absolutely not what effective altruism is about. There are no meta-analyses citing data about the frequency of above-human-intelligence machines being badly aligned with values; there are no studies which quantify the sentience of cows and chickens; there are no regression tables showing whether the value of creating an active social movement is worth the expense. And yet we concern ourselves with those things anyway.
There is remarkable correlation between communism and killing / imprisoning large numbers of innocent people. It is unlikely to be a coincidence.
If you intend to go by quantitative data then I would suggest avoiding cases with a <10 sample size and I would also suggest correcting for significant confounding variables such as “dictatorship”.
In this case the USSR had no class since there were no capital owners.
Not entirely—the USSR’s economy was complicated and changed significantly throughout the decades. The more general point of course is that the USSR did not succeed in abolishing political class.
Alternatively, we might think that markets are good since they create incentives for productivity and innovation; since they make sure decisions in the economy are made in a distributed way, not prone to a single point of failure; since this distributed way naturally assigns more weight to people who have proven themselves to be competent. We might think that tragedies of the commons can be solved by controlling market incentives through taxation and regulation; that there is no need to throw the baby out with the bathwater by destroying the entire market.
We might, but as I said above, many of the people who seriously engage with the relevant literature find these concerns to be small and other concerns to be large, for various reasons.
All of this is speculation.
Of course not, there are plenty of arguments and literature examining these issues very carefully and closely.
Cuba is still a dictatorship with a track record of human right violations.
Cuba’s human rights record is not any worse than that of other Latin American countries, but regardless, I don’t think anyone here is arguing for dictatorships or for human rights violations.
My point is that Western-style capitalist democracy is the most successful model of government we know,
The West has been successful, yes, but it’s not clear how successful it’s been in distributing its goods fairly and the extent to which its rise was due to exploitation of other countries.
there is a high burden of proof for claiming some alternative is better.
There is a high standard of evidence whenever large ideas are discussed, but there’s certainly no disproportionate ‘burden of proof’ to be placed against non capitalist ideas which haven’t been tried or the non capitalist ideas which actually have been tried and have been quite successful in their own contexts.
Also, don’t misread me as saying “Communist countries worked so we should look into communism.” I’m better interpreted as saying “lots of people from different perspectives have traced serious problems to the private ownership of the means of production, so we should look at the various ways to change that.”
So, “historical materialism” is some collection of vague philosophical ideas by Marx. Previously, you replied to my claim that “to the extent they [utopian socialism and Marxism] are based on any evidence at all, this evidence is highly subjective interpretation of history” by saying that “Marxism was derived from materialist epistemology”. This is extremely misleading to say that Marxism was derived from something when that something is itself an invention of Marx! To say that historical materialism is “evidence” for Marxism is to deprive to word “evidence” of all meaning. Evidence is not just something someone says that they claim justifies something else they say. Evidence is (by definition) objective, something that all participants in the conversation will agree upon given a minimal standard of intellectual honesty. If you honestly think “historical materialism” is an objective truth that everyone are obliged to accept (even if we assumed it is well defined at all, which it probably isn’t), then I see no point in continuing this conversation.
What you certainly shouldn’t expect is that everything be quantitative, or that everything be condensed into a meta-analysis that you can look at really quickly to save you the trouble of engaging with complicated and complex social and political issues. Sociopolitical systems are too complicated for that, which is why people who study political science and international relations do not condense everything into quantitative evidence.
Quantitative does not imply “you can look at it really quickly”. Quantum field theory is very quantitative but I really want to meet someone who understood it by “looking at it really quickly.” On the other hand, when something meets a high epistemic standard it makes it more worthwhile to spend time looking at it.
“Sociopolitical systems are complicated” does not imply “we should treat weak evidence as if it is strong evidence”. If a question is so complicated that you cannot find any strong evidence to support an answer, it means that you should have low confidence in any answer that you can find. In other words, you should assign high probability to this answer being wrong. If some field of social sciences fails to provide strong evidence for its claims, this only means we should assign low confidence to its conclusions.
A singleminded emphasis on statistics is absolutely not what effective altruism is about. There are no meta-analyses citing data about the frequency of above-human-intelligence machines being badly aligned with values; there are no studies which quantify the sentience of cows and chickens; there are no regression tables showing whether the value of creating an active social movement is worth the expense. And yet we concern ourselves with those things anyway.
Yes, but you are ignoring two important considerations.
One is that e.g. becoming vegetarian will not cause a catastrophe if it turns outs that animals lack consciousness. On the other hand, a communist revolution will (and did) cause a catastrophe if our assumptions about its consequences are misguided.
The other is that the claim that a random AI is not aligned with human values is an “antiprediction”. That is, a low information prior should not assign high probability to our values among all possible values. Therefore, the burden of proof is on the claim that the AI will be aligned. On the other hand, Marxist theories make complicated detailed claims about complicated detailed social systems. Such a claim is very far from the prior and strong evidence is required to justify it.
If you intend to go by quantitative data then I would suggest avoiding cases with a <10 sample size and I would also suggest correcting for significant confounding variables such as “dictatorship”.
I’m not saying we have a lot of data. I’m saying we don’t have much data but the data we do have points in the opposite direction. Regarding dictatorship, my hypothesis is that there is a causal link communism->dictatorship, so it is hardly a confounder.
In this case the USSR had no class since there were no capital owners.
Not entirely—the USSR’s economy was complicated and changed significantly throughout the decades. The more general point of course is that the USSR did not succeed in abolishing political class.
You claimed USSR didn’t abolish class. I said that abolishing class is hard because “class” can exist without being coded into law. You replied by saying “class” only refers to capital owners. Now you revert to the definition I assumed.
We might, but as I said above, many of the people who seriously engage with the relevant literature find these concerns to be small and other concerns to be large, for various reasons.
And many of “the people who seriously engage” reach the diametrically opposite conclusion.
The West has been successful, yes, but it’s not clear how successful it’s been in distributing its goods fairly and the extent to which its rise was due to exploitation of other countries.
I’m not sure what “fairly” means or why it should be ranked so high in importance. “Exploitation” is also a word that is used so often that its meaning became diluted (I also suspect that if all countries were liberal democracies it would be a win-win for almost everyone). If “fairness” is the main argument in favor of communist systems, then from my perspective it is paperclip maximization and there is no point in discussing it further.
There is a high standard of evidence whenever large ideas are discussed, but there’s certainly no disproportionate ‘burden of proof’ to be placed against non capitalist ideas which haven’t been tried or the non capitalist ideas which actually have been tried and have been quite successful in their own contexts.
There is is very high burden of proof for any policy proposal with potentially catastrophic consequences. The existing system (in Western-style democracies), with all its shortcomings, already underwent significant optimization and is pretty good compared to most alternatives. You can only risk destroying it if you have very strong evidence that the risk is negligible wrt the gains.
Also, don’t misread me as saying “Communist countries worked so we should look into communism.” I’m better interpreted as saying “lots of people from different perspectives have traced serious problems to the private ownership of the means of production, so we should look at the various ways to change that.”
Yeah, and other people traced serious problems to other things like “the state exists and imposes regulation on the market” (for the record, I suspect that both groups are wrong). Let’s not privilege the hypothesis.
So, “historical materialism” is some collection of vague philosophical ideas by Marx.
I’m not sure how to respond to a statement this dismissive, but for what it’s worth, effective altruism is based on ‘vague philosophical ideas’, as are neoliberalism and all sorts of other ideologies, and if you want to be rational about the matter then you might want to start by taking ideas in philosophy seriously.
Previously, you replied to my claim that “to the extent they [utopian socialism and Marxism] are based on any evidence at all, this evidence is highly subjective interpretation of history” by saying that “Marxism was derived from materialist epistemology”. This is extremely misleading to say that Marxism was derived from something when that something is itself an invention of Marx!
I don’t understand what you are complaining about. Suppose I asked “what objective evidence is there that Givewell recommends good charities?” And you replied, “well, they recommend the ones that are best rated by their analysis method.” And I said, “This is extremely misleading to say that charities’ ratings are derived from something when that something is itself an invention of Givewell!” Clearly, such complaints are silly.
To say that historical materialism is “evidence” for Marxism is to deprive to word “evidence” of all meaning.
Except I didn’t say that the mere existence of historical materialism was evidence for Marxism. I said that analysis conducted through the lens of historical materialism provided evidence for Marx’s theories.
If you honestly think “historical materialism” is an objective truth that everyone are obliged to accept (even if we assumed it is well defined at all, which it probably isn’t), then I see no point in continuing this conversation.
I’m not sure what point you could see in continuing this conversation either way, since you clearly aren’t armed with any claims which haven’t already been repeated and answered over and over in the most basic of arguments over socialism and Marxist philosophy, so you can’t possibly be trying to convince me, and because I’ve already stated that I’m far from the most helpful or informed authority on socialism and Marxist philosophy, so you can’t possibly be trying to learn or have your arguments answered.
Quantitative does not imply “you can look at it really quickly”.
Sure, that was a snide remark.
“Sociopolitical systems are complicated” does not imply “we should treat weak evidence as if it is strong evidence”.
I didn’t say we should.
If a question is so complicated that you cannot find any strong evidence to support an answer,
There is strong evidence for it. It’s just not quantitative.
One is that e.g. becoming vegetarian will not cause a catastrophe if it turns outs that animals lack consciousness. On the other hand, a communist revolution will (and did) cause a catastrophe if our assumptions about its consequences are misguided.
No, the ‘catastrophes’ of communist revolutions were due to totalitarian governments and food shortages. We might think that placing the means of production in public control would not result in a totalitarian government nor would it result in a food shortage, primarily because both of those things are generally implausible in modern contexts and secondarily because the only evidence you have provided for public ownership of the means of production leading to catastrophe is a very poor statistical analysis you ran in the back of your head about a very few countries conducting a flawed attempt of a very particular mode of Marxist-Leninist socialism.
On the other hand, Marxist theories make complicated detailed claims about complicated detailed social systems. Such a claim is very far from the prior and strong evidence is required to justify it.
This is not true for Marxism any more than it is true for other social theories or arguments negating Marxism, so it doesn’t tell us anything about whether Marxism should have a weak prior. In any case, usually in philosophy and sociology, scholars go straight to arguments and evidence about the theories themselves, because they’re much stronger and much more objective than haggling over ill-defined priors. It’s strange that you recoil at the idea of sociological analysis that doesn’t seem objective when you are explicitly relying upon subjective Bayesian epistemology.
I’m not saying we have a lot of data. I’m saying we don’t have much data but the data we do have points in the opposite direction.
Except it doesn’t. There have been many cases of public ownership of the means of production having positive results, and there have been countless cases of private ownership of the means of production resulting in abominable crimes to humanity.
Regarding dictatorship, my hypothesis is that there is a causal link communism->dictatorship, so it is hardly a confounder.
And the hypothesis is a poor one. First because it’s not very relevant, as the bulk of postwar socialist theory (and practice) in the West has involved democratic or other means of implementation which don’t involve dictators. Second because several Marxist countries in the twentieth century, such as Chile, have had democratically elected governments (in Chile’s case, one which was replaced by a capitalist dictator).
And many of “the people who seriously engage” reach the diametrically opposite conclusion.
Right. Which is why you won’t catch me making sweeping claims that one side or the other is all wrong without engaging with the relevant literature. You will catch me taking scholars and theorists on both sides seriously, because that is the rational approach when informed people reach opposite conclusions.
I’m not sure what “fairly” means or why it should be ranked so high in importance.
Generally we take “fairness” to mean “equal” or “egalitarian” in some way: for instance, if 80% of the wealth were controlled by 20% of the population, that would be an “unfair” distribution of wealth. The primary, but far from only, reason this is important is that those who are impoverished derive much more utility from additional wealth than the wealthy do.
“Exploitation” is also a word that is used so often that its meaning became diluted
Exploitation has a very precise meaning in Marxist theory.
If the terms I used aren’t clear enough, I can rephrase the point: “it’s not clear that the fact that the West became rich over the last few centuries is something that speaks well to the goodness of capitalism, or if the only reason that the West is rich is because it systematically enslaved, raped and stole from the other three-quarters of the world, much of which is still recovering from the social and economic disasters caused by the West. So we’re not sure just how good capitalism is on balance for the world as a whole, especially in comparison to alternatives.”
The existing system (in Western-style democracies), with all its shortcomings, already underwent significant optimization and is pretty good compared to most alternatives.
I’m not sure why you keep talking about Western-style democracy, because the point of discussion here is whether the means of production should be privately or publicly controlled, which is a different issue. The issue here is capitalism, which often considered to not be good at all compared to many alternatives.
Yeah, and other people traced serious problems to other things like “the state exists and imposes regulation on the market” (for the record, I suspect that both groups are wrong).
And suspicion seems to be all that you have. In any case, socialism generally has a much stronger following in academia than Austrian libertarianism.
I’m not sure what point you could see in continuing this conversation either way, since you clearly aren’t armed with any claims which haven’t already been repeated and answered over and over in the most basic of arguments over socialism and Marxist philosophy...
Indeed I no longer see any point, given that you now reduced yourself to insults. Adieu.
It’s not an insult if it’s true. You clearly have no background knowledge or expertise in any of this, but you decided to argue with me, despite me repeatedly telling you that there are better places for you to learn. Don’t get offended when you get called out on it.
By combining insights from sociology, history, economics, and other domains. For instance, materialist epistemology is a method of analysis that draws upon sociology and history to understand economic developments.
Sure, but not everything that counts as empirical data can be fit into a regression table and subjected to meta-analysis.
And mine lived in Romania, but I’m not sure that this is the most reliable form of empirical data.
Yes. They also killed a quarter of their population. So whether or not their economy succeeded seems to be more strongly governed by other factors.
Yes, well class in the Marxist definition is about the distinction between capital owners and laborers, which is a bit different from how it’s used in other contexts.
We might think that inequality of wealth is bad as it allocates goods to those who can afford them rather than those who need them; we might think that capitalist markets lead to tragedies of the commons which exacerbate resource shortages and existential risks; we might think that unequal distribution of power in society corrupts politics.
This is not really a good comparison, given many cases of success in socialist and communist economies (such as Cuba, which roundly beats other Latin American countries in human development standards) and many failures in capitalist economies (such as the widespread economic disaster which followed the end of the Soviet system). But again, I am not an expert here, so if you want to learn more then I’d suggest looking elsewhere.
I’m not sure what you’re trying to say. My justification for saying “public ownership of the means of production” was that was that many of the people who give serious thought and attention to the idea of public ownership of the means of production are in favor it. Some of those people are Marxists.
That sounds great too.
You still haven’t provided a reference for “materialist epistemology”.
Anyone can claim to “combine insights” from anything. In fact, most political ideologies claim such insights, nevertheless reaching different, sometimes diametrically opposite, conclusions.
If you’re proposing to overhaul the entire system of government and economics, at the very least I expect you to provide objective, quantitative evidence. This is what effective altruism is about: doing good using evidence based methods.
There is remarkable correlation between communism and killing / imprisoning large numbers of innocent people. It is unlikely to be a coincidence.
In this case the USSR had no class since there were no capital owners.
Alternatively, we might think that markets are good since they create incentives for productivity and innovation; since they make sure decisions in the economy are made in a distributed way, not prone to a single point of failure; since this distributed way naturally assigns more weight to people who have proven themselves to be competent. We might think that tragedies of the commons can be solved by controlling market incentives through taxation and regulation; that there is no need to throw the baby out with the bathwater by destroying the entire market.
All of this is speculation.
Cuba is still a dictatorship with a track record of human right violations. I wouldn’t want to live there. My point is that Western-style capitalist democracy is the most successful model of government we know, and there is a high burden of proof for claiming some alternative is better.
I would say this is a good essay: https://www.marxists.org/archive/fromm/works/1961/man/ch02.htm
You might expect me to provide reasons, or arguments, or historical examples, or other kinds of objective evidence. Those are very valuable, and if you’re looking for them I would recommend you consult the relevant literature and communities which specialize in providing them.
What you certainly shouldn’t expect is that everything be quantitative, or that everything be condensed into a meta-analysis that you can look at really quickly to save you the trouble of engaging with complicated and complex social and political issues. Sociopolitical systems are too complicated for that, which is why people who study political science and international relations do not condense everything into quantitative evidence. Quantitative evidence can certainly enter into a broader debate, and socialists and marxists cite all kinds of quantitative evidence in various contexts, but the discussion we’re having is too vague and ambiguous for any particular statistic to be appropriate to bring up.
A singleminded emphasis on statistics is absolutely not what effective altruism is about. There are no meta-analyses citing data about the frequency of above-human-intelligence machines being badly aligned with values; there are no studies which quantify the sentience of cows and chickens; there are no regression tables showing whether the value of creating an active social movement is worth the expense. And yet we concern ourselves with those things anyway.
If you intend to go by quantitative data then I would suggest avoiding cases with a <10 sample size and I would also suggest correcting for significant confounding variables such as “dictatorship”.
Not entirely—the USSR’s economy was complicated and changed significantly throughout the decades. The more general point of course is that the USSR did not succeed in abolishing political class.
We might, but as I said above, many of the people who seriously engage with the relevant literature find these concerns to be small and other concerns to be large, for various reasons.
Of course not, there are plenty of arguments and literature examining these issues very carefully and closely.
Cuba’s human rights record is not any worse than that of other Latin American countries, but regardless, I don’t think anyone here is arguing for dictatorships or for human rights violations.
The West has been successful, yes, but it’s not clear how successful it’s been in distributing its goods fairly and the extent to which its rise was due to exploitation of other countries.
There is a high standard of evidence whenever large ideas are discussed, but there’s certainly no disproportionate ‘burden of proof’ to be placed against non capitalist ideas which haven’t been tried or the non capitalist ideas which actually have been tried and have been quite successful in their own contexts.
Also, don’t misread me as saying “Communist countries worked so we should look into communism.” I’m better interpreted as saying “lots of people from different perspectives have traced serious problems to the private ownership of the means of production, so we should look at the various ways to change that.”
So, “historical materialism” is some collection of vague philosophical ideas by Marx. Previously, you replied to my claim that “to the extent they [utopian socialism and Marxism] are based on any evidence at all, this evidence is highly subjective interpretation of history” by saying that “Marxism was derived from materialist epistemology”. This is extremely misleading to say that Marxism was derived from something when that something is itself an invention of Marx! To say that historical materialism is “evidence” for Marxism is to deprive to word “evidence” of all meaning. Evidence is not just something someone says that they claim justifies something else they say. Evidence is (by definition) objective, something that all participants in the conversation will agree upon given a minimal standard of intellectual honesty. If you honestly think “historical materialism” is an objective truth that everyone are obliged to accept (even if we assumed it is well defined at all, which it probably isn’t), then I see no point in continuing this conversation.
Quantitative does not imply “you can look at it really quickly”. Quantum field theory is very quantitative but I really want to meet someone who understood it by “looking at it really quickly.” On the other hand, when something meets a high epistemic standard it makes it more worthwhile to spend time looking at it.
“Sociopolitical systems are complicated” does not imply “we should treat weak evidence as if it is strong evidence”. If a question is so complicated that you cannot find any strong evidence to support an answer, it means that you should have low confidence in any answer that you can find. In other words, you should assign high probability to this answer being wrong. If some field of social sciences fails to provide strong evidence for its claims, this only means we should assign low confidence to its conclusions.
Yes, but you are ignoring two important considerations.
One is that e.g. becoming vegetarian will not cause a catastrophe if it turns outs that animals lack consciousness. On the other hand, a communist revolution will (and did) cause a catastrophe if our assumptions about its consequences are misguided.
The other is that the claim that a random AI is not aligned with human values is an “antiprediction”. That is, a low information prior should not assign high probability to our values among all possible values. Therefore, the burden of proof is on the claim that the AI will be aligned. On the other hand, Marxist theories make complicated detailed claims about complicated detailed social systems. Such a claim is very far from the prior and strong evidence is required to justify it.
I’m not saying we have a lot of data. I’m saying we don’t have much data but the data we do have points in the opposite direction. Regarding dictatorship, my hypothesis is that there is a causal link communism->dictatorship, so it is hardly a confounder.
You claimed USSR didn’t abolish class. I said that abolishing class is hard because “class” can exist without being coded into law. You replied by saying “class” only refers to capital owners. Now you revert to the definition I assumed.
And many of “the people who seriously engage” reach the diametrically opposite conclusion.
I’m not sure what “fairly” means or why it should be ranked so high in importance. “Exploitation” is also a word that is used so often that its meaning became diluted (I also suspect that if all countries were liberal democracies it would be a win-win for almost everyone). If “fairness” is the main argument in favor of communist systems, then from my perspective it is paperclip maximization and there is no point in discussing it further.
There is is very high burden of proof for any policy proposal with potentially catastrophic consequences. The existing system (in Western-style democracies), with all its shortcomings, already underwent significant optimization and is pretty good compared to most alternatives. You can only risk destroying it if you have very strong evidence that the risk is negligible wrt the gains.
Yeah, and other people traced serious problems to other things like “the state exists and imposes regulation on the market” (for the record, I suspect that both groups are wrong). Let’s not privilege the hypothesis.
I’m not sure how to respond to a statement this dismissive, but for what it’s worth, effective altruism is based on ‘vague philosophical ideas’, as are neoliberalism and all sorts of other ideologies, and if you want to be rational about the matter then you might want to start by taking ideas in philosophy seriously.
I don’t understand what you are complaining about. Suppose I asked “what objective evidence is there that Givewell recommends good charities?” And you replied, “well, they recommend the ones that are best rated by their analysis method.” And I said, “This is extremely misleading to say that charities’ ratings are derived from something when that something is itself an invention of Givewell!” Clearly, such complaints are silly.
Except I didn’t say that the mere existence of historical materialism was evidence for Marxism. I said that analysis conducted through the lens of historical materialism provided evidence for Marx’s theories.
I’m not sure what point you could see in continuing this conversation either way, since you clearly aren’t armed with any claims which haven’t already been repeated and answered over and over in the most basic of arguments over socialism and Marxist philosophy, so you can’t possibly be trying to convince me, and because I’ve already stated that I’m far from the most helpful or informed authority on socialism and Marxist philosophy, so you can’t possibly be trying to learn or have your arguments answered.
Sure, that was a snide remark.
I didn’t say we should.
There is strong evidence for it. It’s just not quantitative.
No, the ‘catastrophes’ of communist revolutions were due to totalitarian governments and food shortages. We might think that placing the means of production in public control would not result in a totalitarian government nor would it result in a food shortage, primarily because both of those things are generally implausible in modern contexts and secondarily because the only evidence you have provided for public ownership of the means of production leading to catastrophe is a very poor statistical analysis you ran in the back of your head about a very few countries conducting a flawed attempt of a very particular mode of Marxist-Leninist socialism.
This is not true for Marxism any more than it is true for other social theories or arguments negating Marxism, so it doesn’t tell us anything about whether Marxism should have a weak prior. In any case, usually in philosophy and sociology, scholars go straight to arguments and evidence about the theories themselves, because they’re much stronger and much more objective than haggling over ill-defined priors. It’s strange that you recoil at the idea of sociological analysis that doesn’t seem objective when you are explicitly relying upon subjective Bayesian epistemology.
Except it doesn’t. There have been many cases of public ownership of the means of production having positive results, and there have been countless cases of private ownership of the means of production resulting in abominable crimes to humanity.
And the hypothesis is a poor one. First because it’s not very relevant, as the bulk of postwar socialist theory (and practice) in the West has involved democratic or other means of implementation which don’t involve dictators. Second because several Marxist countries in the twentieth century, such as Chile, have had democratically elected governments (in Chile’s case, one which was replaced by a capitalist dictator).
Right. Which is why you won’t catch me making sweeping claims that one side or the other is all wrong without engaging with the relevant literature. You will catch me taking scholars and theorists on both sides seriously, because that is the rational approach when informed people reach opposite conclusions.
Generally we take “fairness” to mean “equal” or “egalitarian” in some way: for instance, if 80% of the wealth were controlled by 20% of the population, that would be an “unfair” distribution of wealth. The primary, but far from only, reason this is important is that those who are impoverished derive much more utility from additional wealth than the wealthy do.
Exploitation has a very precise meaning in Marxist theory.
If the terms I used aren’t clear enough, I can rephrase the point: “it’s not clear that the fact that the West became rich over the last few centuries is something that speaks well to the goodness of capitalism, or if the only reason that the West is rich is because it systematically enslaved, raped and stole from the other three-quarters of the world, much of which is still recovering from the social and economic disasters caused by the West. So we’re not sure just how good capitalism is on balance for the world as a whole, especially in comparison to alternatives.”
I’m not sure why you keep talking about Western-style democracy, because the point of discussion here is whether the means of production should be privately or publicly controlled, which is a different issue. The issue here is capitalism, which often considered to not be good at all compared to many alternatives.
And suspicion seems to be all that you have. In any case, socialism generally has a much stronger following in academia than Austrian libertarianism.
Indeed I no longer see any point, given that you now reduced yourself to insults. Adieu.
It’s not an insult if it’s true. You clearly have no background knowledge or expertise in any of this, but you decided to argue with me, despite me repeatedly telling you that there are better places for you to learn. Don’t get offended when you get called out on it.