I’m trying to figure out which Democratic presidential candidate is likely to be best with regard to epistemic conditions in the US (i.e., most likely to improve them or at least not make them worse). This seems closely related to “sectarian tension” which is addressed in the scoring system but perhaps not identical. I wonder if you can either formally incorporate this issue into your scoring system, or just comment on it informally here.
First, did you see the truthfulness part? I rated candidates per their average truth/lies to the public, according to PolitiFact. That’s not identical to what you’re asking about, but may be of interest.
Biden does relatively poorly. Sanders does well, though (and I haven’t factored this in, maybe I should) he seems to have a more specific and serious trend of presenting misleading narratives about the economy. Warren does well, though I did dock some points for some specifically significant lies. Bloomberg seems to be doing quite well, though he has less of a track record so it’s harder to be sure.
OTOH, it seems like you’re primarily concerned about epistemics within an administration—that there might be some kinds of political correctness standards. I’ve docked points from Trump because there have been a number of cases of this under his watch. Among Democrats, I feel there would be more risk of it with Sanders, because of how many of his appointments/staff are likely to come from the progressive left. Even though he’s perceived as a rather unifying figurehead as far as the culture wars are concerned, he would likely fare worse from your angle. But I feel this is too speculative to include. I can’t think of any issues where the ‘redpill’ story, if true, would be very important for the federal government to know about. And there will not be a lot of difference between candidates here.
EA forum user Bluefalcon has pointed out that Warren’s plan to end political appointments to the Foreign Service may actually increase groupthink because the standard recruitment pipeline puts everyone through very similar paces and doctrine. Hence, I’ve recently given slightly fewer points to Warren’s foreign policy than I used to.
I’m trying to figure out which Democratic presidential candidate is likely to be best with regard to epistemic conditions in the US (i.e., most likely to improve them or at least not make them worse). This seems closely related to “sectarian tension” which is addressed in the scoring system but perhaps not identical. I wonder if you can either formally incorporate this issue into your scoring system, or just comment on it informally here.
(Sorry for late reply)
First, did you see the truthfulness part? I rated candidates per their average truth/lies to the public, according to PolitiFact. That’s not identical to what you’re asking about, but may be of interest.
Biden does relatively poorly. Sanders does well, though (and I haven’t factored this in, maybe I should) he seems to have a more specific and serious trend of presenting misleading narratives about the economy. Warren does well, though I did dock some points for some specifically significant lies. Bloomberg seems to be doing quite well, though he has less of a track record so it’s harder to be sure.
OTOH, it seems like you’re primarily concerned about epistemics within an administration—that there might be some kinds of political correctness standards. I’ve docked points from Trump because there have been a number of cases of this under his watch. Among Democrats, I feel there would be more risk of it with Sanders, because of how many of his appointments/staff are likely to come from the progressive left. Even though he’s perceived as a rather unifying figurehead as far as the culture wars are concerned, he would likely fare worse from your angle. But I feel this is too speculative to include. I can’t think of any issues where the ‘redpill’ story, if true, would be very important for the federal government to know about. And there will not be a lot of difference between candidates here.
EA forum user Bluefalcon has pointed out that Warren’s plan to end political appointments to the Foreign Service may actually increase groupthink because the standard recruitment pipeline puts everyone through very similar paces and doctrine. Hence, I’ve recently given slightly fewer points to Warren’s foreign policy than I used to.