You say “While there is a clear relationship between religiosity and the role of religion in public life, views on other political issues are less determined by religion.” I wasn’t sure that this was borne out by the cites. I can’t access the Foreign Policy piece, but the Pew survey seemed to suggest quite strong political differences between haredim and others. This was in part confirmed by the chart that you cited but also other charts. Kaufman argues that Jerusalem has become politically extreme due to ultra-orthodox dominance—examples I recall were adverts with women being taken down and cars being stoned on the saturdays.
Thanks for the feedback! “Prioritization of religious law” and “opinion on halakha” fall under the set of things that that I was trying to point at with the phrase “role of religion in public life”.
The relationship between those questions and religiosity is clear and monotonic, while on other issues the relationship is more complicated. The Haredi have views that are approximately the same as the Masorti in terms of Arab expulsion and political identification, and are less right-wing than the Dati. Though there’s still some division by religiosity in terms of identification with the left / center / right, it’s much less intense than, for example, the difference in views on transportation on Shabbat.
I rephrased the sentence to “While there is an extremely strong relationship between religiosity and views on the role of religion in public life, opinions on other political issues are less starkly divided by religiosity, though there are still some divisions.” and added in this graph of political identification to make that clearer.
You say “While there is a clear relationship between religiosity and the role of religion in public life, views on other political issues are less determined by religion.” I wasn’t sure that this was borne out by the cites. I can’t access the Foreign Policy piece, but the Pew survey seemed to suggest quite strong political differences between haredim and others. This was in part confirmed by the chart that you cited but also other charts. Kaufman argues that Jerusalem has become politically extreme due to ultra-orthodox dominance—examples I recall were adverts with women being taken down and cars being stoned on the saturdays.
Thanks for the feedback! “Prioritization of religious law” and “opinion on halakha” fall under the set of things that that I was trying to point at with the phrase “role of religion in public life”.
The relationship between those questions and religiosity is clear and monotonic, while on other issues the relationship is more complicated. The Haredi have views that are approximately the same as the Masorti in terms of Arab expulsion and political identification, and are less right-wing than the Dati. Though there’s still some division by religiosity in terms of identification with the left / center / right, it’s much less intense than, for example, the difference in views on transportation on Shabbat.
I rephrased the sentence to “While there is an extremely strong relationship between religiosity and views on the role of religion in public life, opinions on other political issues are less starkly divided by religiosity, though there are still some divisions.” and added in this graph of political identification to make that clearer.