Instead, they just seem to presuppose that a broadly anti-capitalist leftism is obviously correct, such that anyone who doesn’t share their politics (for which, recall, we have been given no argument whatsoever) [ . . . .]
I don’t think EAs are Thorstad’s primary intended audience here. To the extent that most of that audience thinks what you characterize as “a broadly anti-capitalist leftism” is correct, or at least is aware of the arguments that are advanced in favor of that position, it isn’t necessarily a good use of either his time or reader time to reinvent the wheel. This is roughly similar to how most posts here generally assume the core ideas associated with EAs and are not likely to move the needle with people who are either not informed of or are unpersuaded by the same. I’m guessing he would write differently if writing specifically to an EA audience.
More broadly, one could argue that the flipside of the aphorism that extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence is that one only needs to put on (at most) a minimal case to refute an extraordinary claim unless and until serious evidence has been marshalled in its favor. It’s plausible to think—for instance—that “it is right and proper for billionaires (and their agents) to have so much influence and discretion over philanthropy” or “it is right and proper for Dustin and Cari, and their agents, to have so much influence and discretion over EA” are indeed extraordinary claims, and I haven’t seen what I would characterize as serious evidence in support of them. Relatedly, capitalism doesn’t have a better claim to being the default starting point than does anti-capitalism.
I think you’ve misunderstood me. My complaint is not that these philosophers openly argue, “EAs are insufficiently Left, so be suspicious of them.” (That’s not what they say.) Rather, they presuppose Leftism’s obviousness in a different way. They seem unaware that market liberals sincerely disagree with them about what’s likely to have good results.
This leads them to engage in fallacious reasoning, like “EAs must be methodologically biased against systemic change, because why else would they not support anti-capitalist revolution?” I have literally never seen any proponent of the institutional critique acknowledge that some of us genuinely believe, for reasons, that anti-capitalist revolution is a bad idea. There is zero grappling with the possibility of disagreement about which “systemic changes” are good or bad. It’s really bizarre. And I should stress that I’m not criticizing their politics here. I’m criticizing their reasoning. Their “evidence” of methodological bias is that we don’t embrace their politics. That’s terrible reasoning!
I don’t think I’m methodologically biased against systemic change, and nothing I’ve read in these critiques gives me any reason to reconsider that judgment. It’s weird to present as an “objection” something that gives one’s target no reason to reconsider their view. That’s not how philosophy normally works!
Now, you could develop some sort of argument about which claims are or are not “extraordinary”, and whether the historical success of capitalism relative to anti-capitalism really makes no difference to what we should treat as “the default starting point.” Those could be interesting arguments (if you anticipated and addressed the obvious objections)! I’m skeptical that they’d succeed, but I’d appreciate the intellectual engagement, and the possibility of learning something from it. Existing proponents of the institutional critique have not done any of that work (from what I’ve read to date). And they’re philosophers—it’s their job to make reasoned arguments that engage with the perspectives of those they disagree with.
I don’t think EAs are Thorstad’s primary intended audience here. To the extent that most of that audience thinks what you characterize as “a broadly anti-capitalist leftism” is correct, or at least is aware of the arguments that are advanced in favor of that position, it isn’t necessarily a good use of either his time or reader time to reinvent the wheel. This is roughly similar to how most posts here generally assume the core ideas associated with EAs and are not likely to move the needle with people who are either not informed of or are unpersuaded by the same. I’m guessing he would write differently if writing specifically to an EA audience.
More broadly, one could argue that the flipside of the aphorism that extraordinary claims require extraordinary evidence is that one only needs to put on (at most) a minimal case to refute an extraordinary claim unless and until serious evidence has been marshalled in its favor. It’s plausible to think—for instance—that “it is right and proper for billionaires (and their agents) to have so much influence and discretion over philanthropy” or “it is right and proper for Dustin and Cari, and their agents, to have so much influence and discretion over EA” are indeed extraordinary claims, and I haven’t seen what I would characterize as serious evidence in support of them. Relatedly, capitalism doesn’t have a better claim to being the default starting point than does anti-capitalism.
I think you’ve misunderstood me. My complaint is not that these philosophers openly argue, “EAs are insufficiently Left, so be suspicious of them.” (That’s not what they say.) Rather, they presuppose Leftism’s obviousness in a different way. They seem unaware that market liberals sincerely disagree with them about what’s likely to have good results.
This leads them to engage in fallacious reasoning, like “EAs must be methodologically biased against systemic change, because why else would they not support anti-capitalist revolution?” I have literally never seen any proponent of the institutional critique acknowledge that some of us genuinely believe, for reasons, that anti-capitalist revolution is a bad idea. There is zero grappling with the possibility of disagreement about which “systemic changes” are good or bad. It’s really bizarre. And I should stress that I’m not criticizing their politics here. I’m criticizing their reasoning. Their “evidence” of methodological bias is that we don’t embrace their politics. That’s terrible reasoning!
I don’t think I’m methodologically biased against systemic change, and nothing I’ve read in these critiques gives me any reason to reconsider that judgment. It’s weird to present as an “objection” something that gives one’s target no reason to reconsider their view. That’s not how philosophy normally works!
Now, you could develop some sort of argument about which claims are or are not “extraordinary”, and whether the historical success of capitalism relative to anti-capitalism really makes no difference to what we should treat as “the default starting point.” Those could be interesting arguments (if you anticipated and addressed the obvious objections)! I’m skeptical that they’d succeed, but I’d appreciate the intellectual engagement, and the possibility of learning something from it. Existing proponents of the institutional critique have not done any of that work (from what I’ve read to date). And they’re philosophers—it’s their job to make reasoned arguments that engage with the perspectives of those they disagree with.