Hi Milan, thanks very much for your comments (here and on drafts of the report)!
On 1, we don’t intend to claim that psychedelics don’t improve subjective well-being (SWB), just that the only study (we found) that measured SWB pre- and post-intervention found no effect. This is a (non-conclusive) reason to treat the findings that participants self-report improved well-being with some suspicion.
As I mentioned to you in our correspondence, we think that experiential measures, such as affective balance (e.g. as measured by Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS)), capture more of what we care about and less of what we don’t care about, compared to evaluative measures, such as life satisfaction. But I take your point that PANAS doesn’t encompass all of SWB.
On 2, behaviour change still hasn’t been studied enough for there to be more than “weak evidence” but yeah, I agree that reports from third-parties are stronger evidence than self-reported changes.
Also interesting here – individuals may rescale their assessments of subjective well-being over time. I speculate that the particulars of the psychedelic experience may drive rescaling like this in an intense way.
Yeah, I don’t think we understand this very well yet but it’s an interesting thought :)
We don’t say much about this because none of our conclusions depends on it but we’ll be sure to be more explicit about this if it’s decision-relevant. In the particular passage you’re interested in here, we were trying to get a sense of the broader SWB benefits of psychedelic use. We didn’t find strong evidence for positive effects on experiential or evaluative measures of SWB. As you rightly note, just using PANAS leaves open the possibility that life satisfaction could have increased (the former is an experiential measure and the latter is an evaluative one). But there wasn’t evidence for improvements in evaluative SWB either so that fact that we place more weight on experiential than evaluative measures didn’t play a role here.
The only time that we’ve used SWB measures to evaluate a funding opportunity, we looked at both happiness (an experiential measure) and life satisfaction (an evaluative measure).
I wonder which of hedonistic and preference utilitarianism you’re more sympathetic to, or which of hedonism and preference/desire theories of well-being you’re more sympathetic to. The former tend to go with experiential SWB and the latter with evaluative or eudaimonic SWB (see Michael Plant’s recent paper). I don’t think it’s a perfect mapping but my inclination towards hedonism is closely related to my earlier claim that
This might explain our disagreement.
This is an interesting example, thanks for bringing it up. I don’t have a strong view on whether having children increases or decreases hedonistic well-being (though it seems likely to increase well-being in desire/preference terms). So I’m not too sure what to make of it but here are a few thoughts:
1. This could well be a case in which life satisfaction captures something important that affect and happiness miss—I don’t have a strong view on that.
2. The early years of parenting intuitively seem really hard and sleep-depriving but also fulfilling and satisfying in a broad sense. So it seems very plausible that they decrease affect/happiness but increase life satisfaction. I’d expect children to be a source of positive happiness as well, later in life though, so maybe having children increases affect/happiness overall anyway.
3. If having children decreases affect/happiness, I don’t find it very surprising that lots of people want to have children and are satisfied by having children anyway. There are clearly strong evolutionary pressures to have strong preferences for having children but much less reason to think that having children would make people happier (arguably the reverse: having children results in parents having fewer resources for themselves!)