I’m not sure if that is inherent to private responses, though. One could imagine something set up vaguely like the “Facebook Supreme Court” (FSC) with longterm funding and independent/external control by neutrals. I’m not suggesting anything about the FSC model other than its externality and independence, but those features would allow us to have more confidence in the process because we would almost eliminate the concern that the processors have “main allegiance . . . to the existing power structure.” Data could get published, including on actions that were taken in response, and the data quality would probably be better for a wide variety of reasons.
The problem with that is most accusers would want anonymity/privacy. This is why I suggest conveying information about processes through a policy (as I mentioned above, I was assaulted by someone “EA-adjacent”, and had no idea where to report; and a policy is more fair to both the accusers and accusees), working with third parties that survivors can approach and CH can interface with, and disseminating only information intended to keep the community safe is the better approach.
Definitely—I meant anonymized summary data like “there were X individuals reported for sexual assault, Y number of individuals were banned from CEA events as a result of those reports, Z number of individuals were not acted on because CEA determined the individual was not connected to EA in a way that CEA could take any meaningful action.” How much could be said without compromising anonymity/privacy would depend on the specific data, and we should always err on the side of protecting that over publishing information.
That’s one of my big issues with the way things are now: you’re basically suggesting what I’m suggesting—that things not be as arbitrary as they are now.
I’m not sure if that is inherent to private responses, though. One could imagine something set up vaguely like the “Facebook Supreme Court” (FSC) with longterm funding and independent/external control by neutrals. I’m not suggesting anything about the FSC model other than its externality and independence, but those features would allow us to have more confidence in the process because we would almost eliminate the concern that the processors have “main allegiance . . . to the existing power structure.” Data could get published, including on actions that were taken in response, and the data quality would probably be better for a wide variety of reasons.
The problem with that is most accusers would want anonymity/privacy. This is why I suggest conveying information about processes through a policy (as I mentioned above, I was assaulted by someone “EA-adjacent”, and had no idea where to report; and a policy is more fair to both the accusers and accusees), working with third parties that survivors can approach and CH can interface with, and disseminating only information intended to keep the community safe is the better approach.
Definitely—I meant anonymized summary data like “there were X individuals reported for sexual assault, Y number of individuals were banned from CEA events as a result of those reports, Z number of individuals were not acted on because CEA determined the individual was not connected to EA in a way that CEA could take any meaningful action.” How much could be said without compromising anonymity/privacy would depend on the specific data, and we should always err on the side of protecting that over publishing information.
That’s one of my big issues with the way things are now: you’re basically suggesting what I’m suggesting—that things not be as arbitrary as they are now.