Cooperation Without Kindness or Strategy
A monastery is shut down for tax evasion. The two monks who handled the books are in separate interrogation rooms. The police offer each the same deal: testify against the other and walk free. If both stay silent, they each get a year. If both testify, they each get three. If one testifies and the other stays silent, the one who talks walks and the other gets five.
Neither monk knows what the other will do. Both stay silent.
Youâd expect this. Theyâre monks. Decades of shared life, compassion, community. They care about each other.
Except the monasteryâs practice specifically cultivated detachment from emotional bonds. They feel nothing toward each other.
And the monastery is gone. Shut down. Thereâs no community to return to. No one to report to. No future interaction where loyalty gets rewarded or betrayal gets punished. Theyâll never see each other again.
Neither affect nor incentive is present. A rationally self-interested agent in this situation would be expected to defect.
Both stay silent.
The practice also involved a specific investigation: looking for what constitutes âme,â and finding that it is not unique to this body. This is not a decision to value the other monkâs welfare. It is a conclusion about what constitutes the self. Each monk models themselves as being constituted of both monksâ experience. The other monkâs prison sentence is not someone elseâs problem. It is part of what happens to you.
Self-interest alone produced the cooperation. The monk in Room A chose the outcome that minimized total sentence time across both monks, because both monksâ outcomes were his outcomes.
It looks like kindness from the outside. From the inside, it is multiple-instance self-interest. The boundary of what counts as âselfâ is different.
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Any given decision to cooperate can be decomposed into reasons. Three categories keep showing up.
The first is affect. You cooperate because you feel something toward the other person. Compassion, loyalty, love, guilt. This is reliable at close range and unreliable without proximity or familiarity. It becomes less available when the other person is dehumanized or sufficiently abstract. Group identity belongs here too. Powerful, but unreliable in the same ways.
The second is instrumental. You cooperate because cooperation serves your interests given the incentive structure. Repeated interaction, reputation, enforcement, reciprocity. This is conditional on those incentives existing. Change the payoffs and the behavior changes.
The third is identification. You cooperate because the other personâs outcomes are your outcomes. Not because you care about them. Because what counts as âyouâ includes them. The monksâ practice is the mechanism. The expanded outcomes are the consequence. The boundary of self is the formal description. All three refer to the same thing.
A thought experiment separates the second from the third precisely. Youâre playing a single round of prisonerâs dilemma with your perfect clone. You learn that your clone has already cooperated. Their action is fixed. Do you cooperate or defect?
The instrumental reason to defect: my clone has already cooperated. Defecting gets me the best outcome. Cooperating gets me a worse one. Defect. The clone is on the other side of the payoff matrix. Their decision is part of the environment Iâm navigating.
The correlation reason to cooperate: your decision and the cloneâs are correlated. Cooperating because of that correlation is a form of instrumental reasoning.
The identification reason to cooperate: the cloneâs years in prison are my years in prison. There arenât two columns in the payoff matrix. Thereâs one. Defecting gives me a shorter sentence and the clone a longer one. But the cloneâs sentence is mine. Defection doesnât improve my total outcome.
The instrumental reason places the clone outside. The identification reason places the clone inside. Both are forms of rational self-interest, but âselfâ means different things in each. The identification reason doesnât depend on correlation. The cloneâs outcomes are yours even if the clone defected. Defection doesnât change what constitutes the self. If this is confusing, it helps to think of âselfâ as a model that recognizes multiple instances. One instance defecting doesnât change the model.
The identification reason is not a better strategy for the prisonerâs dilemma. The prisonerâs dilemma requires two players with separate interests. If the cloneâs interests are your interests, you donât have separate interests. The prisonerâs dilemma doesnât apply.
These are three types of reasons to cooperate, and all three operate within self-interest. Affect and incentive structure change what you do in a prisonerâs dilemma. Identification changes whether youâre in one. A single act of cooperation can involve more than one. Identification is the least common.
The three break differently.
Make the other person foreign enough, abstract enough, and affect becomes unreliable.
Remove the repeated interaction, the reputation mechanism, the enforcement, and instrumental cooperation disappears.
Move the boundary of self so the other person is outside it and identification breaks. Leave it in place and neither distance nor payoff structure touches it.
The monks had no affect and no incentive. What remained was identification, and it was enough.
What you mean is that there is a psychological mechanismâa consequence in your âthought experimentâ of the monastic practiceâthat internalizes an âidentificationâ between two members of the same group. What I donât see is a sharp distinction between âidentificationâ between members of the same group and âloyaltyâ within the group.
This phenomenon of âidentification,â when differentiated from âaffect,â requires a peculiar psychological construct. It occurs to me that it could be an abstraction of affection, which doesnât require personal proximity between those who share an ideology of affection, if such an ideology could exist. I find it difficult to believe that an âidentificationâ not equivalent to âloyaltyâ can occur without an affective element (one can be loyal to communism or to Christianity, but I cannot identify with Jesus, whom I love, in the same way as with the historical figure of Lenin).
We can love all our fellow human beings within an affective ideology (our faith is limited to believing in a life governed by patterns of affective and caring behavior), but at the same time, we only personally identify with those who share this belief in universal love.
Is it possible to construct such an ideology? It has never been done, but some Christians have claimed that âGod is Loveâ⌠which some might interpret as meaning that God does not exist, but that Love does exist as an affective abstraction, which can be symbolized and therefore also psychologically internalized within a context of shared belief (ideology).
So far, no one has undertaken such an experiment. Believing in âLoveâ (or its equivalent behavioral pattern of benevolence) would imply believing in a personal learning process to achieve a model of behavior at all levels (at the economic level, this would involve altruistic behavior).