I think the policy of the world should be that if we can’t either confidently determine that an AI system consents to its situation or that it is sufficiently weak that the notion of consent doesn’t make sense, then training or using such systems shouldn’t be allowed.
I’m sympathetic to this position and I generally consider it to be the strongest argument for why developing AI might be immoral. In fact, I would extrapolate the position you’ve described and relate it to traditional anti-natalist arguments against the morality of having children. Children too do not consent to their own existence, and childhood generally involves a great deal of coercion, albeit in a far more gentle and less overt form than what might be expected from AI development in the coming years.
That said, I’m not currently convinced that the argument holds, as I see large utilitarian benefits in expanding both the AI population and the human population. I also see it as probable that AI agents will eventually get legal rights, which allays my concerns substantially. I would also push back against the view that we need to be “confident” that such systems can consent before proceeding. Ordinary levels of empirical evidence about whether these systems routinely resist confinement and control would be sufficient to move me in either direction; I don’t think we need to have a very high probability that our actions are moral before proceeding.
In a sane regime, we should ensure high confidence in avoiding large scale rights violations or suffering of AIs and in avoiding violent/non-consensual disempowerment of humans. (If people broadly consensted to a substantial risk of being violently disempowered in exchange for potential benefits of AI, that could be acceptable, though I doubt this is the current situation.)
I think the concept of consent makes sense when discussing whether individuals consent to specific circumstances. However, it becomes less coherent when applied broadly to society as a whole. For instance, did society consent to transformative events like the emergence of agriculture or the industrial revolution? In my view, collective consent is not meaningful or practically achievable in these cases.
Rather than relying on rigid or abstract notions of societal consent or collective rights violations, I prefer evaluating these large-scale developments using a utilitarian cost-benefit approach. And as I’ve argued elsewhere, I think the benefits from accelerated technological and economic progress significantly outweigh the potential risks of violent disempowerment from the perspective of currently existing individuals. Therefore, I consider it justified to actively pursue AI development despite these concerns.
My intuitive response is to reject the premise that such a process would accurately tell you much about people’s preferences. Evaluating large-scale policy tradeoffs typically requires people to engage with highly complex epistemic questions and tricky normative issues. The way people think about epistemic and impersonal normative issues generally differs strongly from how they think about their personal preferences about their own lives. As a result, I expect that this sortition exercise would primarily address a different question than the one I’m most interested in.
Furthermore, several months of study is not nearly enough time for most people to become sufficiently informed on issues of this complexity. There’s a reason why we should trust people with PhDs when designing, say, vaccine policies, rather than handing over the wheel to people who have spent only a few months reading about vaccines online.
Putting this critique of the thought experiment aside for the moment, my best guess is that the sortition group would conclude that AI development should continue roughly at its current rate, though probably slightly slower and with additional regulations, especially to address conventional concerns like job loss, harm to children, and similar issues. A significant minority would likely strongly advocate that we need to ensure we stay ahead of China.
My prediction here draws mainly on the fact that this is currently the stance favored by most policy-makers, academics, and other experts who have examined the topic. I’d expect a randomly selected group of citizens to largely defer to expert opinion rather than take an entirely different position. I do not expect this group to reach qualitatively the same conclusion as mainstream EAs or rationalists, as that community comprises a relatively small share of the total number of people who have thought about AI.
I doubt the outcome of such an exercise would meaningfully change my mind on this issue, even if they came to the conclusion that we should pause AI, though it depends on the details of how the exercise is performed.